Dreams of an Ethiopia in Peace

JULY 22, 2012 6:00PM

President Nelson Mandela turned 94 on July 18, 2012. May he live long with gladness and good health!

All who love and revere President Mandela call him Madiba. He is the ultimate symbol of human love, hope,  courage, charity, endurance, patience and perseverance. He is the personification of good will, tolerance, generosity, forgiveness and reconciliation.

In South Africa’s darkest hours, Madiba emerged from the darkest dungeons of Pollsmoor Prison wearing a big smile on his face and carrying a torch light in his hand to free all his people from a wretched prison called Apartheid. When South Africa’s fate dangled between the forces of good and evil, Madiba stepped in the middle and said, “Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another.” He convinced those armed for war to disarm for peace, to bury the hatchet, dagger and arrow and to beat their swords into ploughshares, shake hands, hold hands and put their shoulders to the grindstone to build a new South Africa. When the world stood in awe of what he had done, he humbly reminded us: “I am not a saint, unless you think of a saint as a sinner who keeps on trying.” Don’t we all wish we had more sinners in high places in Africa who just keep on trying?

I have had many imaginary conversations with Madiba, but only one that I have dared to make public. In one of my weekly commentaries in May 2011,I reported on one such imaginary conversation. The topic was thetriumphalism of African dictators. Somewhat impatiently, I asked Madiba: “What the hell is wrong with African dictators?!?” Madiba did not want to generalize, but he was very clear about Apartheid dictatorship and what needed to be done to restore South Africa to its timeless beauty. He said, “Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another. If there are dreams about a beautiful South Africa, there are also roads that lead to their goal. Two of these roads could be named Goodness and Forgiveness.”

Nightmares and Dreams of a Beautiful Ethiopia

Among the few privileges of being a human rights advocate and an academic are telling the unvarnished truth to anyone who cares to listen, speaking truth to power and defiantly hoping (even against hope) for a future that is much better than the past. That privilege comes from the special nature of human rights advocacy. A true human rights advocate has no political ambition. The politics of human rights is the politics of human dignity, not ideology, political partisanship or the pursuit of political office. The committed human rights advocate thrives on hopes and dreams of a better future, not the lust for political power or craving for status, position or privilege. As Vaclav Havel, the late Czech Republic and human rights advocate put it, “Hope is a state of mind, not of the world. Hope, in this deep and powerful sense, is not the same as joy that things are going well,…  but rather an ability to work for something because it is good.” Defense and advocacy of human rights is something one does because it is good. As Havel said, “Work for something because it is good, not just because it stands a chance to succeed.” I have been relentlessly “sermonizing” (as some affectionately refer to my weekly commentaries) on human rights in Ethiopia and against dictatorship for many years now. I have done so not because I believed my efforts will produce immediate political results or expected structural changes overnight. I stayed in for the long haul because I believe defending, advocating and writing about human rights and righting government wrongs is right, good and the moral thing to do.

Lately, there has been much talk about nightmare scenarios and very little about dreams of a beautiful Ethiopia and the two roads that could take her to that place and moment in time where she “will not experience the oppression of one by another”. Some whisper of the nightmare of civil war if one man goes or stays? Is Ethiopia so insignificant in the eyes of man and God that her destiny is tied to or determined by what happens or does not happen to one man? Others bemoan the horrors of the past and seethe with anger and bitterness. They can only see the twilight of a vanishing order and are blinded to the sparkling new day dawning over the horizon.  Far too many exercise themselves with things that are divisive, disruptive and discordant. They seem to forget that we have strong bonds of family, history, culture, language and religion that bind us in a beautiful mosaic called Ethiopia.

There are some  who seem obsessed with speculation and rumors about the fate of a state built on the shoulders of one man. Would it not make more sense to be concerned about the plight and state of suffering of the other 90 million? Louis XIV, the absolute monarch of France who reigned for 72 years is reported to have said, "L'etat, c'est moi" ("I am the state"). Must we subject ourselves to the Sturm und Drang of  what could happen to Ethiopia after the fall of a one-man, one-party state that has been in power for 21 years? For all the speculation, guestimation and supposition on the part of the Ethiopian opposition and the secrecy, mystery, fudging, hedging and dodging by discombobulated regime officials, the answer may be the same as Mark Twain’s who upon reading his premature obituary quipped: “The reports of my death have been greatly exaggerated.” Should we really be concerned about a moribund regime?

Truth be told, we should be concerned about a nation that has been in intensive care and on life support for the past 21 years and beyond. We should pray for the healing, speedy recovery and and well-being of Ethiopia. We should be searching high and low in our hearts, minds and souls for the best medication to heal Ethiopia from the cancer of tyranny and dictatorship and the pathology of hate and narrow-mindedness. We should work tirelessly to detoxify the Ethiopian body politic from the poison of ethnic domination,  sectarianism and bigotry.

To restore Ethiopia to good health, we must begin national dialogue, not only in the halls of power, the corridors of the bureaucracy and the military barracks but also in the remotest villages, the church and masjid meeting halls and other places of worship,  the schools and colleges, the neighborhood associations and in the taverns, the streets and markets and wherever two or more people congregate.  We have no choice but to begin talking to each other with good will and in good faith.  

Since the beginning of 2012, I have been penning special commentaries in a series I called “Ethiopia’s transition from dictatorship and democracy”. These commentaries were fragments of my dream that Ethiopia will soon make a transition from dictatorship to democracy. Of course, dreams could easily change into nightmares.  In one such commentary, I shared my nightmares about what could happen “on the bridge from dictatorship to democracy.” I wrote, “there is often a collision between individuals and groups doggedly pursuing power, the common people tired of those who abuse and misuse power and the dictators who want to cling to power.  The chaos that occurs on the transitional bridge from dictatorship to democracy creates the ideal conditions for the hijacking of political power, theft of democracy and the reinstitution of dictatorship in the name of democracy.”In another commentary last month, I pleaded for constitutional “pre-dialogue” (preparatory conversations) in anticipation of some potential roadblocks on Ethiopia’s inexorable march to a constitutional democracy.

Recent events seem to signal the imminence of a sea change in Ethiopia. While some are preoccupied with the nightmare of what could happen in Ethiopia if one man or one party stays or goes, my nightmares have been about what those opposed to the one man will do whether he stays or goes. History shows that political transitions in Ethiopia have been nightmares, a race to the bottom. The transition from monarchy to military socialism proved to be a colossal disaster. In the name of socialism, millions perished from famine and political violence. The transition from military “socialism” to “revolutionary democracy” led to the creation of a police state in Ethiopia unrivalled in the modern history of Africa. The flicker of democracy that was seen in 2005 was snuffed out in the blink of an eye. Now, the sun seems to be setting on the police state; and it could be curtain time for the chief of police. There is volcanic pressure building up slowly but surely in Ethiopia. We see small precursor eruptions here and there.  Public dissatisfaction with the status quo has turned to utter public desperation. People cannot afford the basic necessities of life as inflation and cost of living soar to new heights. Corruption, abuse of power, massive repression and poor governance are about to blast the dome on the grumbling volcano. The situation is deteriorating by the day. One has to assume that against the backdrop of the “Arab Spring”, Ethiopia’s iron-fisted rulers must be a little worried about the winter of discontent of the Ethiopian people being made glorious by a democratic Summer.  

What the managers of the police state will do or not do concern me less than what those who profess to stand for democracy, freedom and human rights will do or not do. Will they do what they have always done in the past: Never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity? Continue to play the same old zero sum game (that is, they win and everybody else loses) of politics? Play games of one-upmanship trying to outdo,  outwit, outthink, outsmart, outplay, outfox, outmaneuver and outbully each other, while those in the saddle of power laugh at them? Play the blame game, finger pointing game and demonization game to show how bad everybody is and how good  they are? Will they invent new games?

Or will the opposition collectively be able to soar to new heights of greatness? Will they forgive each other for the injuries of the past and pledge to work for a secure and just future for all Ethiopians? Will they be able to forge a partnership to deal with the multiplicity of problems facing the people? Will they lead the people to consensus by prioritizing and focusing on things for which there is broad agreement, or will they nitpick their way into a stalemate over minutiae? Above all, will they have the courage to reach out to each other in the spirit of brotherhood and sisterhood, shake hands, bury the hatchet and put their shoulders to the grindstone to work together in the cause of  freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia? Will they have the courage to walk in Madiba’s footprints?:   

The sight of freedom looming on the horizon should encourage us to redouble our efforts. It is only through disciplined mass action that our victory can be assured. We call on our white compatriots to join us in the shaping of a new South Africa. The freedom movement is a political home for you too…   

As freedom looms over the horizon in Ethiopia, do we all have the courage, humility and foresight to say to  those in power and out of power,  “If you want to make peace with your enemy, you have to work with your enemy. Then he becomes your partner.” Is it possible to create a broad partnership of justice, equality, freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia today? Could we say now to those who have a tight grip on power what Madiba said to his white compatriots then, “The freedom movement is a political home for you too…” 

Hate the Sin, Not the Sinner

In his autobiography, Gandhi wrote, “Man and his deed are two distinct things.  Whereas a good deed should call forth approbation and a wicked deed disapprobation, the doer of the deed, whether good or wicked, always deserves respect or pity as the case may be. ‘Hate the sin and not the sinner’ is a precept which, though easy enough to understand, is rarely practiced, and that is why the poison of hatred spreads in the world….” If one hates another because of race, color, religion, ethnicity or other factors, the result is more hate. Madiba said, “No one is born hating another person because of the colour of his skin, or his background, or his religion. People must learn to hate, and if they can learn to hate, they can be taught to love, for love comes more naturally to the human heart than its opposite.” If hate is learned, it can also be unlearned. If love can be taught, it can be spread across the land.

We must follow Gandhi’s precept that if we must hate, we “hate the sin and not the sinner.” It is a tough precept to follow and live by. We have all been part of the problem and part of the solution at one time or another. If this is not true, then “He who is without sin should cast the first stone.” But now all of us have an opportunity  to become part of the grand solution to the political problems facing Ethiopia. It is a rare chance that comes once in generations. Let’s not squander it.

In William Shakespeare's play Julius Caesar, Mark Antony as part of his funeral oration following the death of Caesar said, “The evil that men do lives after them; the good is oft interred with their bones...” Scripture teaches that “He that troubleth his own house shall inherit the wind: and the fool shall be servant to the wise of heart.” Those who have lived in hate and done evil in their lifetimes will have a testament in history for their deeds which will live long after they are dead and gone. If we obsess with the sinners, we will surely inherit the wind of those who have troubled their houses. We will inherit a tornadic wind that will tear the basic fabric and foundation of the Ethiopian nation. But if we focus our attention on the sin and together  atone for it, we stand to inherit democracy from the ashes of dictatorship; human rights from the depths of human wrongs; freedom from oppression, love from hate; reconciliation from animosity and forgiveness from rancor. Such are the wages of good. Those who hold the reign of power should realize that things cannot continue the way they are now. They have a simple choice to make; and in the words of  Robert Kennedy: “A revolution is coming — a revolution which will be peaceful if we are wise enough; compassionate if we care enough; successful if we are fortunate enough — But a revolution which is coming whether we will it or not. We can affect its character; we cannot alter its inevitability.” Why is it not possible to have a revolution in Ethiopia where we can all win because we are all on the side of freedom, democracy and human rights?

So, What Time Is It In Ethiopia Now?

Scripture teaches that there is “A time to love and a time to hate; a time for war and a time for peace.” So, what time is it in Ethiopia now? I say it is time for peace--high time to dream for peace. It is time to replace bitterness with reconciliation; hate with love that heals the community; revenge with forgiveness; hope with despair; hurt with healing; fear with courage; division with unity; doubt with faith; shame with honor;  deceit with candor and sincerity; anger with reason; cruelty with kindness and caring; enmity with friendship; duplicity with openness; complacency with action; indifference with passion; incivility with gracefulness; suspicion with trust; selfishness with altruism; dishonesty with integrity; convenience with virtue; cunning  with scruples; ignorance with knowledge; benightedness with imagination; acrimony with civility, desire with fulfillment and sniping and carping with with broad national dialogue. The time to talk and act is now!

Dreams of an Ethiopia at Peace: Roads to Goodness and Forgiveness

Madiba had a great dream for Africa. He said, “I dream of an Africa which is in peace with itself. I dream of the realization of unity of Africa whereby its leaders, some of whom are highly competent and experienced, can unite in their efforts to improve and to solve the problems of Africa.” Madiba said, “This must be a world of democracy and respect for human rights, a world freed from the horrors of poverty, hunger, deprivation and ignorance, relieved of the threat and the scourge of civil wars and external aggression and unburdened of the great tragedy of millions forced to become refugees.”

Madiba has always inspired me to have dreams of an Ethiopia at peace freed from the horrors of poverty, hunger, deprivation and ignorance and the scourge of civil wars. In September 2011, in one of my weekly commentaries I tried to pull together the pieces of my dream:

Ethiopia is today a dystopia--  a society that writhes under a dictatorship that trashes human rights and decimates all opposition ruthlessly. Last year, Zenawi told two high level U.S. Government officials what he will do to his opposition: “We will crush them with our full force.” All Ethiopians, regardless of ethnicity, language, religion, class or region must be able to imagine an Ethiopia where no petty tyrant will ever have the power or even the audacity to say he will “crush” another fellow citizen, or has the ability to use “full force” against any person just because he can. Ethiopians must be able to dream of a future free of ethnic strife, famine and oppression; and strive to work together for a little utopia in Ethiopia where might is NOT right but the rule of law shields the defenseless poor and voiceless against the slings and arrows of the criminally rich and powerful. It is true that Utopians aspire for the perfect society, but Ethiopians should aspire and work collectively for a society in which human rights are respected, the voice of the people are heard and accepted (not stolen), those to whom power is entrusted perform their duties with transparency and are held accountable to the law and people.

In my long-winded way, what I was trying to say was this: “Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another.”

This past January, I spoke of the paradox of being a utopian Ethiopian:

Even utopian Ethiopians know that as we work for unity, they will be working double overtime for disunity. For every act done to create trust, they will fabricate ten acts to create suspicion and distrust. It is said that a thousand mile journey begins with the first step. In making its declaration, the OLF has taken a giant leap for all Ethiopians. Each one of us must now take our own small steps for our Ethiopianity (humanity before ethnicity or nationality).

My dream of Ethiopia at peace is a dream based on the idea that all Ethiopians need to be a little bit utopian. Madiba is the greatest utopian in living memory. He was utopian enough to say, “I have fought against white domination and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and -- and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.” Yet, he was realistic  enough to warn that if discussions and negotiations fail to resolve issues, there could be alternatives dreadful to contemplate: “There are many people who feel that it is useless and futile for us to continue talking peace and non-violence - against a government whose only reply is savage attacks on an unarmed and defenceless people. And I think the time has come for us to consider, in the light of our experiences at this day at home, whether the methods which we have applied so far are adequate.” Is it futile to begin talking in Ethiopia now? To continue talking? To choose the path of nonviolence in the face of “savage attacks on an unarmed and defenceless people”? I think not.

It is plain to all that the present system of one-man, one-party, one-everything has no future in Ethiopia. It will come to an end peacefully or otherwise, sooner or later.  But we must learn from recent history. “Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.” That is what happened in Libya not long ago, and is happening in Syria today. There is no need to make the mistakes made in Libya or Syria.

Madiba understood that the transition from Apartheid dictatorship to majority democratic rule must involve all South Africans, not just the elites and others whose aim is to become power contenders. Madiba said:

The people need to be consulted on who will negotiate and on the content of such negotiations. Negotiations cannot take place -- Negotiations cannot take place above the heads or behind the backs of our people. It is our belief that the future of our country can only be determined by a body which is democratically elected on a non-racial basis. Negotiations on the dismantling of apartheid will have to address the overwhelming demands of our people for a democratic, non-racial and unitary South Africa. There must be an end to white monopoly on political power and a fundamental restructuring of our political and economic systems to ensure that the inequalities of apartheid are addressed and our society thoroughly democratized.

All Ethiopian political and civic leaders must understand that “the people need to be consulted” and the future of our country can only be determined by a body which is democratically elected on a non-ethnic basis. It is delusional to think that the one-man, one-party model will continue unchanged. It is dumb to think that the  clever, cunning and shrewd could outwit and out power play the rest and seize political power and continue the same old game of one-man, one-party, one-everything rule. It is wise to remember the saying that "you can fool all of the people some of the time and some of the people ofall of the time; but you cannot fool all of the people all of the time." These days it is hard to fooll anybody. Those who may be scheming to play this game should give it up and not waste their time.  It is foolhardy to think that anything other than genuine multiparty democracy fortified by the rule of law, reinforced by respect for human rights and sustained by the good will of the people could bring peace to Ethiopia. Regardless, the one-man, one-party party that has been going on for the past 21 years is now over! 

It is a Tough Job, But All of Us Have to Do it!

When Madiba was released from Pollsmoor Prison in 1990, his first public words were about the unity of all South Africans, not the evils of Apartheid or the crimes and inhuman acts committed by one race over the other. Madiba said uniting the people is job one on day one:

The need to unite the people of our country is as important a task now as it always has been. No individual leader is able to take on this enormous task on his own. It is our task as leaders to place our views before our organization and to allow the democratic structures to decide on the way forward. On the question of democratic practice, I feel duty-bound to make the point that a leader of the movement is a person who has been democratically elected at a national conference. This is a principle which must be upheld without any exceptions.”

No individual leader or single organization in Ethiopia can take on the enormous task of uniting the people. It is the task of all leaders of political organizations, faith institutions, civic associations, youth and women’s groups and others to inspire the people to come together, to unite and to dream together about a new Ethiopia where no one shall again experience the oppression of one by another. It is impossible to unite the people without  detoxifying the conversation and abandoning the obsession about one man. To do what Madiba did in South Africa, we must commit to the important task now, and that is "uniting the people of our country." 

My Birthday Present to Madiba

Last week Archbishop Desmond Tutu said that “the  greatest gift we can give Madiba is to follow his  example.” So I shall give him Madiba his birthday gift by pledging to walk in his footsteps. I am eternally grateful to Madiba for what he has done for all humanity. His words and deeds have inspired me not only to speak truth to power and dream about a bright future for Ethiopia and Africa, but also to begin teaching, preaching and reaching out to all to begin a journey on the road to forgiveness and goodness. I understand Madiba’s way does not come with an iron clad guarantee of success, but I have yet to find another way that could lead to a durable peace in Ethiopia but the ways of forgiveness and goodness. I could be wrong, but I would rather take the wrong turn on Madiba’s road than take the road to nowhere because that is the alternative. Some may think I am just a naïve and gullible lawyer whose head swoons in the clouds of the ivory tower. I should like to think I have my feet firmly planted in the ground.

I do hope that there will be people who will agree with me that I am right in following Madiba’s example. Perhaps they may even consider joining me on that long and hard road despite their fears of being sneered and jeered along the way. But I shall travel that road in Madiba’s footsteps alone if I must. Henry David Thoreau said, “If a man does not keep pace with his companions, perhaps it is because he hears a different drummer. Let him step to the music which he hears, however measured or far away.” And if I should get tired walking alone, I will just limp along behind the millions of Ethiopians who will be marching on Madiba’s way lockstep to the drumbeat of freedom, democracy, dignity and peace. But before rushing to judge me harshly or kindly, forget not that I am just a utopian Ethiopian. “Some men see things and say, ‘Why?’ But I dream things that never were; and I say, ‘Why not?’”.  Why not walk in Madiba’s footsteps? Why not dream of Ethiopia with her children at peace? Why not outdream each other about what is possible, viable and attainable in beautiful Ethiopia? Let us all become utopian Ethiopians! Why not?

Happy 94^th Madiba! Long Live Madiba!  Long Live Nelson Mandela! Long Live Ethiopia!

http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/2012/07/21/dreams_of_an_ethiopia_in_peace

pia:Mallas’s Poor Health

July 23, 2012 at 1:04 am · Gadaa.com

By Ibsaa Guutama*

It is said “History repeats itself.” The demise of Minilik was announced seven years after it had happened (1906), as told. All those years Shawaan elites had been grilling each other behind the curtain as to who to promote and who to demote. In that way, they had brought forward Iyyaasuu, Zawudiitu and Tafarii for further scrutiny. Now too, they are facing difficulties to make the illness of their leader public. They tried to hush everything up. But his failing to appear on important conferences exposed what they did not want. They lightly told of his illness, and they added that his absence had not even affect the running of the state for they had laid down a strong system. That sends doubt about their sincerity. They only want to cover up the panic they are feeling underneath. No one can deny that Mallas will be missed by his totalitarian system and those who use him, let alone by his death, even by longer absence than the present.

They came out only after his adversaries had already announced of his being in coma and/or of his death. No one uttered sympathy, but many welcomed his mishaps. Unable to overthrow him by themselves, they prayed for disease to do that for them. This could be against the religion they confess. From now on, it makes not much difference whether Mallas dies or survives. The belief in his strength had been shaken from the roots. Kin and aliens will all go to their corners to caucus – just like the Shawaan did when Minilik was dying. This time they are the Tigrians who are more concerned and also at risk.

The way liberation activists look at the event must be different. Their struggle is an anti-colonial, and does not separate and focus on Mallas’s person. Oromos have met with Mallas’s government in the battlefield as well as around the negotiation tables. They have killed from each other, and they have also failed in their negotiations. It would have been proper to brag if one kills him in the battlefield. But, to wish death for the sick is unethical. Many kings had previously gotten rid off, not with the hands of Oromo patriots, but in some other ways. That did not earn Oromo its independence, but rather aggravated their agony. If Mallas descends, another person will replace him. Until the Oromo gain the strength to stamp him out with his system, death that comes in some other way has no benefit. It is better he lives and sees when Oromiyaa finally declares her independence. Six rulers had changed hands since Oromiyaa was occupied. It will be shame to lie down and wait coming of the seventh. This is the time when they are staggering, that the oppressed and particularly Oromoo offspring, are expected to hold hands and strive to disrupt any further alien domination.

Not only the people, but also different world human rights organizations, had been crying of Mallas’ human rights violations and his harsh rule. It was clear that their governments also knew about it. Over and above that, it is a hard fact that he is selling expansive Oromo land to overseas investors and evicting peasants who lived on farming it. That he is plundering and making others plunder overground and underground resources of Oromiyaa freely. When Tigray glitters with electric light powered by Oromiyaa, Oromo are struggling with darkness for not affording kerosene lamp. When Mallas expands roads, schools, hospitals, etc. for his country, those who paid for them cannot afford basic necessities for living. He is doing what all colonizers of the world were doing, and should not be surprising. What is surprising is when all the others had thrown away such horrible system off their backs, why do Oromo continue to carry it? It is not without reason that such a great people with long history of bravery, wisdom, peace, democracy and love for independence could not find a way out from such unfortunate situation.

It is going to be half a century since Oromo built a liberation front that can struggle for their independence like all other colonized people of the world. That today many individuals and organizations are able to openly claim being Oromo is the result of that struggle. When individuals say “I am a proud Oromo,” when Muslims talk about “Oromo Muslims,” when Christians say “ Oromoo church,” when all talk about Oromo community, Oromoo youth association, etc. we have to remember that they were those martyrs who empowered them by their blood to express about all these in that manner.

It is never to be forgotten that this writer, or any other ones, are able to express the problem of that people so openly today is because of the sacrifices paid by the activists in that struggle. Less than 50 years ago, to speak Afaan Oromo, let alone in the world, even in the streets of Finfinnee, was embarrassing and also frightening. Those now living can stand witnesses to that. Despite registering such grand achievements, the struggle did not move fast enough to attain the level some expected. They were more who criticized than those who work, more demolishers than constructors, more spies than vigilantes, more petty minds that cannot distinguish between anthill and mountain, flea and elephant, than seasoned politicians, there are more quislings than patriots that temporarily got access to the stage. From assessing the situation, the struggle cannot be stopped from reaching its goal though there is a temporary minor glitch.

People at least 50 years old today had seen three administrations. All of them were overburdened with the injustice they committed, but found themselves crumbling under their weight. Wayyaanee is wobbling being on similar course. Learning from the past, one has to work hard, not to be jumped over once again by a possible opportunity. Now the political outlook of Oromoo activists is clear. What those with similar outlook are waiting for is not known rather than hurrying up to get together and coordinate their struggle. This concerns organizations, individuals and all patriots. It only requires honesty and transparency to each other. The empire has made herself ready for change. Those who had observed this have started moving from different directions to transit her to where they wanted. This is one of the times that Oromiyaa has to assert herself. They should all say together “no more as before.”

Even if it were for fortnight, the entangled threads that Mallas used to gallop his subject with has dropped from his hands. To comeback and hold it again as it used to be, will be impossible. It will gradually start to slip from his hands like Tafarii Makonnin and Mangistuu Darg who could not come back to their previous luster after coup attempts on them. All those who oppose him; those who follow him and his allies had become nervous because of this sudden happening. Even those who knew of his chronic illness long ago are scared by their inability to keep it confidential. That also reveals weakness of the system. More than the ill health, the secret surrounding it is despairing. He committed all his crimes, not by himself alone, but with conspirators. Therefore, it means all the conspirators have to seriously worry about it.

Famine and other problems are tormenting the masses. Mallas’s meddling in religion has already caused mounting protests. His unending wars have antagonized many families who are never told about the fates of their children sent to Somalia. The genocide and imprisonment of breadwinners had left many homes broken. All those, in addition to the despair caused by his illness, weaken rather than strengthen him. For this reason, before another smart imposter overtakes, to get up and together disrupt it fast is imperative. Forming relation with world powers is not the monopoly of anyone. One who has just cause on ones side, and shows determination to advance it and commitment to ones kaayyoo, without wavering, should not worry about winning friends. Let not forget the saying, “There is no permanent friend, but permanent interest.”

There is no jubilation for Mallas’ illness or painful suffering. First, it is essential to see what advantage or disadvantage his death and recovery could have. Based on the result of analysis, one has to be prepared to handle the outcome. Brave people do not dislike pulling him down with their own hands in order to snatch their legitimate rights away from his hands. Vultures like him are warming up to replace him. But they have to be stopped. It is said, “Strike while the iron is hot.” For those committed to the same kaayyoo, this is the right time to start marching together with the common banner of struggle flying high up in Oromiyaan air!!!

Honor and glory for the fallen heroines and heroes; liberty, equality and freedom for the living; andnagaa and araaraa for the Ayyaanaa of our fore parents!

* Ibsaa Guutama | Gubirmans.com
July 2012
Ibsaa Guutama is a member of the generation that drew the first Political program of the OLF.

Ethiopia Skype Ban

Ethiopian dam spurs debate

By Jenny Vaughan (AFP) – Jun 6, 2012



GIBE III, Ethiopia — The mud-coloured Omo River which snakes through green gorges, feeding lush vegetation and providing vital water to one of Ethiopia's most remote regions, will also power a contentious dam project.
The government says the Gibe III dam will boost development, give access to power for many Ethiopians -- about half of the population -- currently living without it, and generate revenue from the export of electricity to the region.
But with construction under way for Africa's highest dam at 243 metres (nearly 800 feet), critics say Ethiopia must also consider the environmental and social impact it will have on some 500,000 people living downstream and at Lake Turkana in neighbouring Kenya. Their livelihoods rely on the river.
"If they're going to build this huge hydro-power dam than it should be done in a way that benefits the people who are most affected," said David Turton, a senior research fellow at Oxford University's African Studies Centre.
The Omo River is over 700 kilometers (430 miles) long and supplies Lake Turkana with 80 percent of its water. It is a source of annual flooding for the agro-pastoralists living in the South Omo valley, a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
The completion of the dam in 2014, which will have a capacity of 1,870 megawatts, will regulate the river's flow and, according to the Ethiopian Electric Power Corporation (EEPCo), offer a predictable water source for communities living along the river south of the dam.
Agro-pastoralists in Omo's valley have traditionally relied on flood-retreat agriculture for cultivation and animal grazing.
"Before, the wet season was two months, or maximum three months, then there was nine months of drought, now for 12 months there will be a regulated flow for all the downstream users," said EEPCo chief executive Mirhet Debebe.
The centuries-old flood-retreat agriculture practised by the downstream tribes is a cultural mainstay of the Bodi, Mursi and Nyangatom tribes, famed for their lip-plate and body painting customs.
But Azeb Aznake, Gibe III project manager at EEPCo, has said artificial flooding would be created annually "so that their practice is not interrupted."
She said the regular river flow would provide irrigation for small-scale cultivators downstream, and denied that the Gibe III dam would feed irrigation channels to nearby foreign-owned plantations, as some groups have charged.
"The purpose of the dam is for hydroelectric power, and nothing more," the power company executive said.
Most of the $1.8 billion (1.5 billion euro) cost of the project -- the third in a series of five dams planned along the Omo River -- will be covered by EEPCo, with a Chinese firm bankrolling the $400 million electromechanical costs.
The dam has been mired in controversy from the project's inception and the "Stop Gibe 3" online petition has collected over 18,000 signatures.
EEPCo's Azeb admitted that any project of this magnitude is bound to have an impact on local communities and ecosystems, but said the overall benefits were too great to ignore.
"Water is our major resource.... We have to make use of it and develop, we have to eat three times a day like any human being, so there has to be compromise," she said.
Power generated by the dam will be fed to a main transmission and sold to neighbouring Djibouti -- which is already receiving Ethiopian power -- as well as Kenya, Sudan and Somaliland, providing a major source of income, CEO Mihret said.
For Frederic Mousseau, policy director at the US-based think tank Oakland Institute, which is opposed to the dam's construction, the benefits are not widespread enough.
"It's really about who benefits and what benefits.... At the macro level you might have increased exports, economic growth, but what about human development, what happens to the people?" he said in a phone interview from California.
He urged the Ethiopian government to halt the dam's construction "so investment could go towards infrastructure that could really benefit the people."
Some nearby residents welcome the job opportunities that have accompanied the dam's constructions. Over 4,000 Ethiopians have been hired to help build Gibe III, which was started in 2006 and is over 50 percent complete.
"It is good for our development and the area's development (because) we get more employment," said Mengistu Mara, 26, a student in Lala town about 30 kilometres away from Gibe III.
His brother who works as a crane operator at the dam pays Mengistu's school fees at the local high school, built in 2009 by the dam's contractors.
"I'm learning now because my brother is bringing me money," he said, standing in front of the school built near the village's newly paved road.
Lala resident Desalegn Barata, 41, also welcomed the job creation, but said that even with the construction site next door his community still has no clinic.
"There is no clinic or hospital and there are many diseases here," he said, swatting at the flies swarming around him in the midday heat.
For analyst Turton, the government should prioritise social justice as the project moves ahead, saying it is possible to balance the benefits with the potential impact.
"This is often presented as a choice between development and what we sometimes call cultural preservation, it's presented as sometimes you can't make an omelette without breaking eggs," he said, adding that he is not opposed to the construction of Gibe III.
"But it should be done in a way that shows a concern for social justice." http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5gwxOoLrFc8Lv6Vejaz6d5DtTxZlw?docId=CNG.e181c5564288f3eff54718418df3b4af.81

Is the specter of the Arab Spring haunting Ethiopia?

Alemayehu Fentaw, 4 June 2012

Although Ethiopia has never been a breeding ground for Islamism, the government has started to interfere in religious affairs in order to preempt radicalization. This strategy will most likely backfire, sowing the very seeds of political Islam that it seeks to keep at bay.

Ethiopia has been swept by Islamic protests ^↑ in opposition to what the Muslim community calls the 'government-sponsored propaganda activities' of the little-known Islamic sect, Al-Ahbash, throughout the country, and the suspension of the Addis Ababa-based Awolya Institute on the alleged grounds of promoting Wahhabism. The security forces reportedly killed four and injured ten Muslims during a confrontation after Friday prayers in Assassa in April and detained a large number of protesters in Addis Ababa in May. Eleven are being tried over charges concerning a terrorist bomb-plot ^↑ . According to Shimeles Kemal, the government spokesman, “The aim of the terror network was to establish an Islamic state by toppling the government.” 

The protesters ^↑ also accuse the Government of Ethiopia of hijacking the Islamic Affairs Supreme Council, or the Majlis. They demand that the current members of the Majlis are replaced by elected representatives. They also call for elections to be held in the city's mosques rather than in the Kebeles, local government institutions.

What are the roots of the current Islamic protests in Ethiopia? Without claiming to offer a complete account of the reasons and motivations behind these developments, this article outlines some possible explanations and important aspects.

In domestic politics, the introduction of ethnic federalism has resulted in, to borrow Milan Kundera’s expression, 'the unbearable lightness of being' Ethiopian. One undesired consequence of the constitutional enshrinement of identity politics, which extended recognition to ethnic and religious groups, rooted in historical interpretations of the marginalisation of non-Amharas and non-Christians, is the empowerment of particular religious identities such as Oromo or Muslim over a universalist national identity, that of 'being Ethiopian'. If the Islamic revival of the past two decades is the logical outcome of the rise of identity politics, radicalization is an unwanted side effect.

In international affairs, the US war on terror and Ethiopia's position as a key partner, coupled with its legitimate regional security concerns, have placed Ethiopia not only in the unenviable position of having to keep extremist elements such as Al-Shabab at bay, but also of countering the growing influence of Wahhabism at home. Most recently, fears over rising Islamism have spread widely in the wake of the Arab Spring. The problem with this is that tyrants such as Meles Zenawi won’t hesitate to use the pretext provided by national security to capitalize on his regional role in fighting terrorism, with the aim of garnering American support that he does not deserve, given his regime's disregard of human rights and free and fair elections as documented meticulously by the US Department of State Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, year after year. In the same way as Ethiopia’s military intervention in Somalia was used to annihilate regional rebels such as the ONLF and OLF, it is hard to rule out the possibility that this will also be used as another opportunity to clamp down on political dissidents.

Having said that, it has to be noted that different governmental actors have been engaged in misguided efforts to counter the growing Wahhabi influence in Ethiopia. The first actor is the Government of Ethiopia (GoE). The GoE through its Ministry of Federal Affairs, in joint cooperation with the Islamic Affairs Supreme Council (Majlis), has launched, since July 2011, nation-wide workshops on religious tolerance targeting the Muslim community. The Ministry of Federal Affairs is said to have allocated more than 11,000,000 Ethiopian Birr, or 800,000 USD, to the programme, bringing in trainers from the Al-Ahbash headquarters in Beirut. The continued public engagement of the Ministry of Federal Affairs in promoting Al-Ahbash, at the expense of the prevailing schools of jurisprudence of Sunni Islam such as Hannafi and Maliki is not only a clear contravention of the constitutional principle of secularism, but has also turned out to be unacceptable to the Muslim community.

It seem that the other source of interference is the United States. Recent wikileaked cables of the US embassy in Addis Ababa discuss the Wahhabist threat there at great length.

According to the first cable ^↑ , “The newly appointed Council [Majlis] is decidedly anti-Wahhabi and speaks openly of their concern about Wahhabi missionaries and their destabilizing influence in Ethiopia.” The same cable also elucidates the causes of intra-Muslim conflicts in the following terms, “Conflicts within the Muslim community have also arisen over control of mosques, which imams should be allowed to preach, and over control of Islamic education. The IASC [Majlis] wants to build an Ethiopian Muslim theological school so that young Ethiopian men will not have to go to the Middle East to study in preparation for becoming Imams, as they must now. These young men are increasingly studying in Saudi Arabia due to the generous scholarships and subsidies available there, and when they return to Ethiopia to take up their posts in new Saudi-funded mosques, they continue to receive subsidies from Saudi Arabia or Islamic NGOs. Unfortunately, the Sufi-dominated Muslim community in Ethiopia does not have sufficient funds to start their own theological school, nor can they counter the financial advantage Wahhabis have in Ethiopia.”

The same cable also addresses the question of why the US should care about Wahhabism in Ethiopia. It takes note of the prevalence of a culture of inter-faith tolerance among the three Abrahamic religions of the country as a result of mutual co-existence and the tradition of tolerance in Sufism. The cable claims, however, that “With the advent of Wahhabism in Ethiopia, … this delicate balance is in danger of being upset.” It goes on to assert that “Conflicts have begun first within the Muslim community, but have also begun to spread out to include Christian groups as Wahhabis seek to assert themselves on college campuses and in smaller towns outside the capital. The threat of inter-communal conflict in Ethiopia between Muslims and Christians, as well as between Muslims themselves, can only give a foothold and operating space to Salafist and extremist groups that might seek to exploit the situation.” The cable adds that “In a shift from past practice, the IASC is now completely purged of Wahhabi members. …the Council members acknowledged that the Council is now all Sufi and in their public statements they repeatedly make reference to Ethiopia’s tradition of religious tolerance and co-existence with the Christian communities. As the Ethiopian government appoints the members of the Islamic Council, it is clear that the GoE shares this concern about growing Wahhabi influence and is supporting moderate Muslim leaders in trying to counter that influence.”

US security interests in the Horn of Africa region are detailed in the second cable ^↑ , in which the Addis Ababa Embassy alleges that “Ethiopia’s delicate Muslim/Christian balance and historic attitudes between the faith communities regarding tolerance and mutual respect are being challenged, thereby undermining US interests in the region.”
The first cable concludes that “there are ways to counter this growing influence through aggressive cultural programming”, which the third cable ^↑ describes in more detail. The strategy centres on conserving Islamic places and objects, and restoring Ethiopia’s unique Islamic traditions by preserving its shrines, literature, and rituals as well as making moderate Islamic literature available in local languages. This strategy has for example been supported by grants and programmes such as the Ambassador’s Fund for Cultural Preservation grant to restore the Sheikh Hussein Shrine in Bale, the Jama Negus Mosque in Wello, the Teferi Mekonnen Palace in Harar, and the Muhammad Ali House in Addis Ababa; and also by translating Khaled Abou el-Fadl’s books, The Place of Tolerance in Islam and The Great Theft, into Amharic, Oromifa, and Somali.


With respect to the translation of Khalid Abou el-Fadl’s books, two earlier wikileaked cables ^↑ confirm ^↑ that the Embassy’s efforts at having them translated into Amharic and Oromiffa by Ethiopian Islamic scholars initially fell through, “because no Muslim translator in Ethiopia is willing to do it, fearing Wahhabi pressure.”

Even if conflicts have arisen between Wahhabis and Sufis, these have been very much localized hitherto. What is worrying is the government’s tendency to blow the threat out of proportions. Just a few years back, the ‘T’ word was ‘Khawarij’, now it is replaced by ‘Wahhabi’ and ‘Salafi’. It seems all the more perplexing that in a country such as Ethiopia where the Muslim population is roughly equal to the Christian and there isn’t any advocacy for forming an Islamic political party, let alone an existing organized Islamic party vying for public office, how demands for autonomy in religious affairs and governmental non-interference can be construed as a political movement. The declared disavowal of violence on the part of the Muslim community, and positive adherence to non-violent means in its protests so far demonstrate that the threat of Islamic militancy in Ethiopia is only a figment of Meles Zenawi’s imagination.

This is not to deny the legitimacy of the international and domestic security concerns of the US and Ethiopia, but to question the legitimacy and efficacy of the means used to achieve a legitimate end.

Washington should view Addis Ababa’s problems in the proper context of the wider issue of the rise of authoritarianism in domestic politics. The Arab Spring has already produced an Ethiopian winter as in many other sub-Sahara countries, for fear that comparable uprisings may emerge. Controls have been tightened. It has already become clear from the continued mounting crackdown on political dissidents and journalists following the Arab Street protests that the specter of the Arab Spring is haunting Meles Zenawi. Despite this, we should not lose sight of the fact that Ethiopian Muslims have, for much of their country’s history, been peaceful. Needless engagement could disturb the equilibrium of co-existence and tolerance maintained among the various Islamic sects as well as between Muslims and Christians in the country.

The right strategy would be to leave Islamic affairs to the Muslim community and faith-based non-governmental organizations. This again is not to gainsay the right of Al Ahbash or any other Islamic sect to operate in Ethiopia provided that it respects the laws of the land. The solution to the problem created by the securitization of Islam and intra-Islamic relations should be nothing but its de-securitization, not the privileging of one Islamic sect over another. Except for a few historical instances from the country’s remote past, Ethiopia has never been a breeding-ground for Sayyed Qutb- or Al Zawahiri-styled Islamism and there is little indication that it ever will be given that the Muslim community continues to enjoy and exercise its freedom of worship without interference.

Whatever else has been done by Addis Ababa will prove nothing but a recipe for future conflicts. The strategy deployed could easily backfire, thereby sowing the seeds of political Islam that it seeks to keep at bay. It is imperative to bear in mind that it is the marginalization and suppression of Muslims by the Ethiopian Christian State in the past that bred extremism. Current interference by the secular tyrant in the internal affairs of the Muslim community will do nothing but exacerbate the situation.

http://www.opendemocracy.net/alemayehu-fentaw/is-specter-of-arab-spring-haunting-ethiopia

“Ginbot 20″ which marks the TPLF dictatorship in Ethiopia was greeted by renewed resistance and attack on its economic interest.

June 01, 2012 By Qeerroo

Ginbot 20, 1983 E.C; which officially marked the TPLF control of power in Ethiopia was a day of celebration for the very few from Adwa political elites and party cadres members who enjoys the leftover of the big fishes. This year it is 21^thanniversary. For the majority of Ethiopians, specially the Oromo’s it is the day of humiliation, renewed looting, different and intensified form of dictatorship. Under the current government of Meles zenawi, who ruled Ethiopia for the last 21 years, the Oromo’s have suffered the most and more than 35,000 remained political prisoners. These include Lelisa Olbana and Beqele Garba, Leaders of the officially registered OFDM and OPC parties.

In a way that looks pretty well organized, the people from the central, western and southern Oromiya has flashed their rejection of the day and the authorities on power by an act of arson on selected party economic interest, attack on the cadres and disruption of events. In central Oromiya, a warehouse of a known TPLF agent and land grabber at Gooroo area was attacked and a property estimated at more than 10 million Eth birr was damaged. Shocked by the incident right around the capital city the authorities have responded by heavy presence of the army, which includes mistreatment of innocent individuals.

In Hawasa University, the huge music concert was disrupted by committed students, which resulted in the huge mess and the burning of cars belonging to the party cadres. Despite the change of venue, the authorities failed to secure their event and the students were able to clearly speak out unequivocally that the day does not concern them except for its curse of invisible apartheid, looting and dictatorship.

In Western Shoa zone of Gindeberet and Midekengi, organized members of the community have attacked the power transformer in the neighborhood and the celebration meant was turned in to complete darkness. In Qellem Wollega too, the residents of Ashi and Garjeda villages showed their resistance by abstaining to appear on the events. However, when the government militias were trying to force residents to the event, the people responded by pulling its available weapon to chase them away. In Dambi Dollo town, several messages of resistance were posted in protest to the day and Meles led government of Ethiopia.

In Western Wollega zone of Haroo Limmu district, where several clashes has been reported in 2012; the organized resistance of the people have killed the special agent of the government Mr. Sibhat Araya, who was notorious for his anti-Oromo stance and assigned to the areas to hunt down “supporters of the Oromo Liberation Front”. After the attack, his handgun was handed over to the leaders of the resistance group.

http://qeerroo.net/2012/06/01/ginbot-20-which-marks-the-tplf-dictatorship-in-ethiopia-was-greeted-by-renewed-resistance-and-attack-on-its-economic-interest/

EPRDF’s Dominance in Ethiopian Politics

By Seble Teweldebirhan

Addis Ababa, June 4, 2012 (Ezega.com) - The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) celebrated the 21st anniversary of the party’s successful conquest of political power last week. As usual Ginbot 20 (May 28) was remembered for the seventeen years of difficult armed struggle to defeat the Derg regime and the endurance and bravery of it’s fighters. In addition, the ‘constitutional rights’ guaranteed as a result of Ginbot 20 victory was over-emphasized as part of the celebration.  

One of the fundamental human rights Ginbot 20 credited for is civil and political rights ensured under the FDRE constitution. The constitution guaranteed the Ethiopian people freedom of association for any cause or purpose. It ensured the rights of every one to vote, to be elected, and to participate in public affairs directly or through representatives. In addition, every citizen has a right to be a member in any political organization by his/her own will. In other words, the constitution creates a suitable environment for a multi-party system in Ethiopia.

However, it is clear that, for the last two decades the nation has been ‘unsuccessful’ in forming a strong and trustworthy political party or individual politicians other than the ones already in power. At this point many are starting to wonder if Ethiopia, regardless of constitutional promise for multi-party system, is slowly moving back to where it all started. To many, the outlook appears to be that the nation is once again on a path to one-party system and, at its worst, a one-man rule. Indeed, just as Haile Selassie and his imperial rule dominated the country or Mengistu Hailemariam and his Ethiopian People Workers Party had absolute authority over the country, today PM Meles Zenawi and his party, the EPRDF, are the dominant political figures.

However, some disagree and suggest that the present-day Ethiopia by any standard cannot be seen as a one-party state. Rather, the country has formed a dominant single party system, which is common in some nations with respectable democracy. The difference between a one-party and dominant single party system has a demarcation blurred in certain situations. However, it is possible to come up with some clear differences.

A dominant single party system may be defined as that despite the multi-party situation in the country, only one party is dominant and directs the political system by default. That party is firmly in control of state power over a long period of time. In this system periodic elections and other democratic gestures exist. In fact, multi-party activity is always behind the scenes. However, one particular party wins elections every time, and it might be difficult to forecast when that party will fall and lose elections. The reason why a single party dominates politics power differs depending on the history of each nation. Singapore, Russia, and most African nations, including South Africa and Tanzania, are examples of dominant single party system created through multi-party elections.

On the other hand, a one-party system is a system where there is only one political party in the country, and formation of any other opposition party is prohibited. For that matter, in most one-party system countries, there are no periodic elections. Eritrea, Cuba and China are some of the examples for a one-party state.

From the above brief description, it is possible to see, theoretically, where Ethiopia stands. Unlike the suggestion by many, the country actually formed dominant single party system, with a number of existing opposition parties unable to break into power.

The main question is how that is better than a one-party system. Dominant single party system is mostly criticized for anti-democratic features. This is because of the popular belief that alternation of power is a very crucial element for democracy – and for long-term development, for that matter. The main concern on dominant party system is the governing party sees less and less need to respond to public opinion because it is always assured of re-election all the time. It is therefore reasonable to argue that this in most cases leads to autocratic rule and abuse of power. It also weakens the separation of power and puts the integrity of the legislature in question.  In addition, the vital elements of democracy, which is genuine competition and uncertainty in the outcome of elections are absent in a dominant single party system. There is also concern that a dominant single party system will likely lead to a one-party system.

Dominant single party system, however, for some is not all that bad. Scholars suggest that its advantages are worthy of consideration. This is because a political party can be dominant with democratic means. If it manages to win the hearts of its citizen repeatedly, regardless of existence of strong opposition, then it could be a sign of political stability especially in fragmented political environment.

EPRDF won the last election with more than 99% of the vote. So far, the society as well as the party expects similar results in the next election.  For two decades, the only significant challenge to the ruling party was the 2005 election. Even that, one way or another ended with great political victory for EPRDF. The party that lost considerable votes gained a lot of acceptance after oppositions failed to meet any of the expectations of the electorate. The fact that they ended up refusing to join parliament, and embarrassingly fought between one another and kept blaming each other, formed breakaway mini-parties, some fled the country, and others failed to show any integrity and sound strategy to confront the ruling party was a huge political victory for EPRDF, even better than election win, some argue. (It must also be mentioned here that many also argue with reason that, whether the opposition had joined the government or not, the path to genuine multi-party system was doomed from the start – for lack of independent judiciary and military, they say. But this is a topic for another discussion some day.)

All of this created an environment for the ruling party to be dominant. However, one might question if the EPRDF played a role in this drama of the opposition and gained its dominance in an undemocratic manner. In other words, does all of this come, as the officials claim, with no intention of their own, but just because the opposition couldn’t manage to build the capacity to become a strong challenger?

Now the most important question is, is the country heading eventually to a single party system because we could not and do not have strong opposition parties?

The failure of the opposition parties in Ethiopian helped create an attitude among the public that says ‘Ethiopia is better off with the EPRDF’. During the 2010 election, many people voted for the ruling party, and their reason was that there was no better alternative. The oppositions in their own time seem to have lost the trust and acceptance of the public. Highly fragmented, weakened and confused, they seem to lack the reliability and endurance to flight and mount any significant challenge to the ruling party.

In addition, today, those who lead opposition parties happen to be individuals who have already disappointed the public politically in the past. The existing parties, even the main ones, have failed to show a clear vision for the country and present a compelling political agenda, or could not reach the public even if they have the strategy. Their voice is unheard on many of the critical problems of the society, unless when they blame or insult one another. At times, their comments and actions are hypocritical. For example they accuse the ruling party for worshipping individuals, creating a one-man rule and dominating the politics while their entire existence solely depended on individuals and never show any spirit of democracy or power sharing in their inside party politics.

For the ruling party, their every move seems a boost in its run to dominate the country politics. This is used to disgrace them in the eyes of the public and present them as a joke rather than an alternative. 

However, the argument mostly is that the EPRDF intentionally played opposition parties in their eventual doom. Many cite the tough and challenging legal environment that followed as a reason. Especially after the 2005 election, several legislations that targeted and weakened the opposition one way or another were written into law. In addition, the public media is used almost entirely for ruling party programs and the miniature private media in Ethiopia never grew. Therefore, most opposition parties in Ethiopia are unknown even at name level. Some opposition leaders may have also been victimized for their political run, including economically ruined as they claim.

Regardless, it is proper to suggest opposition parties share a significant role for EPRDF’s political dominance in the country today. Indeed they have shown already in 2005 that there is a chance to influence power however small that may be. They won 100 seats in the House of Representatives, which has the highest political power in the country. The ruling party admitted this win at the time and was ready to give them (at least in theory) their share of power. This may have been the beginning of the moderating process in an otherwise the dominance of EPRDF.

The path they chose is well-known. Presently, they keep embarrassing the politics by sometimes acting in an irresponsible and self-centered manner, as if committed to popularize the ruling party.

A tough political environment is to be expected in a country like Ethiopia. The fact that the EPDRF itself came to power through armed struggle means sharing or giving-up power through elections is not conventional. In general, such parties have the history of resistance for opposition of any kind. However, if opposition parties choose to challenge this, it is important to come up with practical and clear vision and long-term strategy, and one that is not dependent on individuals, but rather on a party system. If not, they will always be doomed. After all, political game in countries like Ethiopia is not all about the best interests of the people, but rather a constant struggle to be relevant and/or stay in power. http://www.ezega.com/News/NewsDetails.aspx?Page=heads&NewsID=3303